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Brexit may have begun but it is not over, indeed it may never be finished.

This week on The Brief: Building political engagement year-round in North Carolina

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Welcome to another recap of The Brief! Joining hosts Markos Moulitsas and Cara Zelaya this week were guests Marcus Bass, deputy director for the North Carolina Black Alliance, and La’Meshia Whittington, the organization’s campaigns director. The Black Alliance is an organization that advocates for North Carolina’s historically black institutions of faith, education, and civic service across the state.

Local grassroots organizations doing the work on the ground are crucial to the outcomes—especially long-term outcomes—of elections. This is particularly true in battleground states. Moulitsas believes that grassroots work will not only turn out voters, but also get communities more informed and involved and build movements with real power. “Now, a year before the election, is the time to fund grassroots organizing infrastructure and capacity-building. There are no campaigns to do that right now. So this is the best money you will ever donate,” he said.

North Carolina is in a unique position as a state that Biden nearly flipped in 2020 and seems full of promise. “This is a state that is just barely hovering out of reach,” Moulitsas added. “How gettable [is] North Carolina? What do we need to close that gap?”

“Elections don’t show all of the on-the-ground work that is happening, and the fact that North Carolina has been able to hold the governorship is, I think, telling. I say this as a Floridian who … always wants to do that rallying call for people,” Zelaya said. “Just because it’s leaning Republican doesn’t mean it’s a lost cause, and I’m really excited to hear from the activists and the grassroots organizers because they, of course, know best.”

At this point, Moulitsas and Zelaya welcomed Bass and Whittington on to the show to discuss organizing strategies and important work being done to turn out voters in North Carolina, particularly Black voters.

Bass got his start in politics and organizing early on. “I’m Black in America. My origin story in politics is demanded by virtue of our experience here, but more directly, I have had the pleasure of being immersed in politics from a young age,” he said. In later years, Bass saw the need for building Black political power independent of political parties. He feels enthusiastic about working with the Black Alliance, and has been with the organization for almost on four years.

Growing up as a Black and Indigenous woman in the U.S., Whittington had a similar experience organizing and getting involved in local issues: “We didn’t see it as politics—we saw it as fighting to protect the land, the air, the water.”

The North Carolina Black Alliance focuses on addressing the issues that directly affect the Black community in North Carolina, Bass explained:

At the Black Alliance, we work to help build capacity, provide resources, we’re a commitment holder. And we make sure that we provide space for folks in the community to come together to talk because, believe it or not, there is no handbook that teaches you how to engage in the democratic process. And if left up to partisan devices, the only time we would see Black and brown folks engaged during the process is the election cycle, and that’s it. So I think we have to make sure that we have a 365 day a year political engagement, and that’s what we help do at the Black Alliance.

Zelaya agreed that the day-in-and-day-out work was crucial.

There is still a lot of work to be done in North Carolina, however. As Bass notes, “The reality is, even though we’re shifting, and even though North Carolina is moving back towards a more balanced, democratic government, we still have to push and we still have to fight.” The governor’s office switching to being controlled by Democrats is something important that happened within the past few years, and it was because of the down-ballot emphasis that made that election possible:

We didn’t go into community talking about voting for the legislative races alone. We talked about the power of the sheriff, we talked about the power of the district attorney, we talked about the power of the clerk of court … we talked about where the power lies at the local level, and the fact that local politics alone can’t [make or] break. But local politics has the power — by three votes or fewer per precinct, you can shift the local elections. And on top of that, there are levers of power at the state level that you can help move.

“In 2020, Donald Trump’s margin of victory shrunk … where does that put North Carolina? Does that mean that it’s trending in the right direction?” Moulitsas mused. “[Can we] turn North Carolina into a true purple state and maybe eventually maybe a blue state, or are we still just sort of hovering within that three-point margin of victory?”

In offering an assessment of the situation, Whittington made sure to call attention to gerrymandering, which as in other states disproportionately affects Black communities:

So we can’t ignore gerrymandering, right? Since this, we have had an additional million folks since the last census … and actually eight out of 10 have increased in Black population. So while our rural counties have decreased in population overall, they’ve actually increased in Black and brown populations. 80 out of our 100 total counties are rural. And so when we talk about the power of rural North Carolina — it is purple … it should be a 50/50 split … [but with the] tight timeline [on redistricting] … we are already seeing this preliminary data that these districts are going to be skewed in favor of, again, the party that’s already in control … they’re drawing these political districts based on no political data and no racial [data].

Money is still a key component of helping candidates, especially Black candidates, succeed as well, Bass said. Building the groundswell is important, and so is getting good candidates. Looking at candidates like Stacey Abrams, “it is proof positive that when you put a good candidate in the community that meets the issues where the voters are, then they will do the right thing at the ballot box.” Moreover, people-led, community-led endorsements are exactly what we need to change the balance of power in that how much money you have determines how much success you have in office—and there is no time to wait for the Democratic Party to put its weight behind these individuals, as they have continually failed to invest in Black candidates. “If we can put those folks in position to run for office and actually win, then we’ll see a better shift in our electorate,” he added.

Zelaya asked how the Black Alliance’s approach may have shifted in the wake of the massive Black Lives Matter protests, especially given the reinvigoration of interest in racial justice.

Whittington thinks that protest has played a key role in gaining justice for Black communities:

Protest is the pulpit of the impoverished, and it is our constitutional right to do so. Nothing is new under the sun — that’s a Southern colloquial saying. When we came out of slavery into emancipation, we saw slave patrols turn into convict policing. At the same time, in eastern North Carolina, there were 187 North Carolina Black residents who became elected officials only 25 to 30 years after the Civil War. That response to that political power that was rapidly gained at ascension was gerrymandering … where they packed parts of North Carolina into single districts. Sounds like 2021.

That these same issues continue to exist is due to persistent attempts to disempower and silence the Black community, especially through gerrymandering. “They keep rebranding our oppression so it can be marketable … so we have to hit the pavement,” Whittington said. “So we have to hit the pavement.”

If you want to support the tireless work the North Carolina Black Alliance does to build community, turn out voters, and advocate for Black Americans, you can donate directly here.

Watch yesterday’s episode below:

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